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278                                                   Germano Maifreda



              The relations between economic knowledge and mathematics were
           – as Tubaro has opportunely noted – characterized by a decided origi-
                 8
           nality . Attempts to formalize economic argumentation were very pre-
           cocious – Giovanni Ceva’s fundamental De re numeraria was printed
           in  Mantua  in  1711  –  and,  indeed,  appeared  much  earlier  than  in
           France, where reference to exact science within economic studies was
           often more a declaration of principle than a rigorous and methodologically
           accurate  procedure.  Still  in  1771,  in  his  first  writing  on  political
           economy  contained  in  letters  written  to  Pietro  Verri,  an  innovative
           mathematician such as Condorcet expressed all his skepticism about
           the  deluded  use  of  «the  language  of  geometry»  in  the  «economic
                                                                        9
           sciences»; a use that he discerned in the Lombard scholarship .
              Giovanni Ceva, a mathematician expert in hydraulic engineering,
           as well as a public official, created an algorithm which aimed at rep-
           resenting an economic system through two fundamental variables –
           population  and  the  quantity  of  money  in  circulation  –  whose
           interaction would, in his opinion, determine the buying power of the
           coinage. While, from a theoretic-monetary point of view, Ceva’s argu-
           mentation added no significant qualitative knowledge to prior elabo-
           rations (and his mathematics were, in reality, limited to simple arith-
           metic operations like fractions and proportions), his methodological
           innovation  consisted  chiefly  in  the  attempt  to  analyze  monetary
           questions geometrically, dealing with them in precise, univocal, lan-
           guage and with rigorous logic.
              The problem of the relations between the proportions of the metals
           involved  and  the  quantification  of  monetary  circulation  had  in  any
           case already been explored since the Middle Ages and, in the Early
           Modern period, had become the object of rigorous analyses by Coper-






              8  See P. Tubaro, Un’esperienza peculiare del Settecento italiano: la «scuola milanese»
           di economia matematica, in «Studi settecenteschi», 2000, n. 20, pp. 193-223. On the
           general  aspects  of  the  Political  Economy  elaborated  by  the  «Milanese  School»  see  A.
           Quadrio Curzio (ed.), Alle origini del pensiero economico in Italia: il paradigma lombardo
           tra i secoli XVIII e XIX,  Bologna,  Mulino,  1996;  P.L.  Porta,  R.  Scazzieri,  Pietro Verri’s
           Political Economy: Commercial Society, Civil Society, and the Science of the Legislator’,
           «History of Political Economy», 2002, n. 1, pp. 83-110; L. Bruni, P.L. Porta, Economia
           civile and pubblica felicita in the Italian Enlightenment, in N. De Marchi, M. Schabas
           (eds), Œconomies  in  the  Age  of  Newton,  Annual  Supplement  of  «History  of  Political
           Economy», 2003, n. 34, pp. 261-86; L. Bruni, S. Zamagni, Civil Economy. Efficiency,
           Equity, Public Happiness, Oxford, Peter Lang, 2007; P.L. Porta, Lombard Enlightenment
           and  Classical  Political  Economy,  text  of  the  Blanqui  Lecture  The  School  of  Milan:
           Competition and Public Happiness in Pietro Verri’s Political Economy delivered at the XIII
           Eshet Annual Conference, Thessaloniki, 23 April 2009, available on http://www.eshet.net.
              9  Quoted in E. Rothschild, Economic Sentiments, cit.



           Mediterranea - ricerche storiche - Anno XV - Agosto 2018       n.43
           ISSN 1824-3010 (stampa)  ISSN 1828-230X (online)
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