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562                                                       David Laven


                restoration of Bourbon rule. At the time, the middle-aged Machia-
                vellian and translator of Horace was trying to ease his way back
                into favour, under a régime in which he had initially been margin-
                alised and persecuted. The Histoire de la République de Venise is
                not a piece of Napoleonic propaganda . For example, its account
                                                       77
                of the events immediately before the French occupation of the city
                it is incredibly balanced. When treating the pro-French risings in
                Venetian Lombardy, he is dismissive both of those commentators
                who saw them as purely the result of French agitation and intim-
                idation, and of those who sought to present them as spontaneous
                revolutions against Venetian domination: «Je ne prétends ni con-
                cilier ces deux versions, ni leur en substituer une qui soit exacte.
                Il est probable que dans l’une et l’autre il y a de l’exagération» .
                                                                                78
                   When it came to a narrative of Venetian decline, Daru was also
                more indulgent than many Venetian historians. Reflecting on the
                outcome of the War of Candia, he remarked that «Ce n’était pas
                un  médiocre  gloire  pour  les  Vénitiens  d’avoir  soutenu  pendant
                vingt-cinq ans une lutte corps à corps avec l’empire ottoman. Ils
                n’en sortaient pas sans pertes, mais l’honneur des armes leur res-
                tait» .  Victorious  in  ten  naval  battles,  and  having  inflicted
                    79
                100,000 casualties on the Turkish besieging army, «ils pouvaient
                se vanter d’avoir porté les premiers coups à ce colosse, qui avait
                menacé de fondre de tout son poids sur l’Europe» . In Daru’s opin-
                                                                  80
                ion, the eighteenth-century adoption of neutrality was not a mis-
                take  on  the  part  of  the  Venetians.  In  discussing  the  War  of  the
                Spanish  Succession,  for  example,  he  highlighted  how  the  Pied-
                montese with fewer resources than the Venetians only managed to
                profit  from  the  conflict  through  pure  self-interest  and  duplicity.
                Daru  never  suggested  that  the  Venetians  should  have  done  the
                same,  but  that  they  should  have  profited  more  from  the  peace:
                while they rebuilt fortifications, and maintained an army of some
                20,000 men, they did not invest sufficiently in their military ca-
                pacities . Daru criticised them not for remaining neutral, but for
                        81
                their impotence in the face of both French and Austrian violations
                of that neutrality. And faced with the Turkish threat in Morea, the
                Venetians were again unable to mobilise sufficient men to pose a


                   77  P.A.N. Daru, Histoire de la République de Venise cit., 1819; P.A.N. Daru, Histoire
                de la République de Venise  cit., 1821; P.A.N. Daru, Histoire de la République de Venise
                cit., 1826.
                   78  P.A.N. Daru, Histoire de la République de Venise cit., 1816, vol. v, p. 293.
                   79  P.A.N. Daru, Histoire de la République de Venise cit., 1819, vol. iv, p. 632.
                   80  Ibidem, p. 632.
                   81  Ibidem, p. 666.



                Mediterranea – ricerche storiche – Anno XIX – Dicembre 2022
                ISSN 1824-3010 (stampa)  ISSN 1828-230X (online)
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